De 'geheime oorlog' van de VS en Israël tegen Iran

Gewelddadige aanvallen, inclusief enorme explosies in Iran en dat op regelmatige basis, geven aan dat hier sprake is van een georganiseerd plan om Iran op de knieën te krijgen..... Zoeken naar de daders is niet nodig: de VS en Israël hebben zich het recht toegeëigend om in het Midden-Oosten op te treden zoals het hen belieft. De VS middels illegale oorlogen, gemengd met illegale sancties nu tegen Jemen, Iran en Syrië (tegen dat laatste land ook door de EU en Canada), ofwel economische oorlogsvoering, een misselijkmakende misdaad tegen de menselijkheid..... Terwijl men in die landen nog durft te liegen dat voedsel, medicijnen en medische apparatuur niet onder de sancties vallen, vreemd dan dat die nooit worden geleverd aan de genoemde landen, hetzelfde geldt overigens voor de VS sancties tegen Venezuela, die illegale sancties worden ook gesteund door de EU en Canada.....

intussen houdt Israël zich bezig met een enorm aantal illegale aanvallen op landen als Irak, Syrië en nu dus ook Iran..... (alles illegaal via het luchtruim van Libanon......) Het is dan ook duidelijk dat de VS en Israël hier een stiekeme illegale ooorlog voeren tegen een soeverein land.......

Al wat misgaat in het Midden-Oosten als gevolg van de illegale overheersing van dat gebied door de grootste terreurentiteit op onze kleine planeet de: VS, wordt in de schoenen van Iran geschoven...... Neem alleen al de genocide die nu al een aantal jaren gaande is in Jemen, verantwoordelijke daarvoor is de Saoedische terreurcoalitie, met intussen meer dan 500.000 slachtoffers, een aantal dat met de dag stijgt (zeker nu ook het Coronavirus huishoudt in dit land met zo enorm veel verzwakte mensen.....) Ondanks alle bewijzen van deze door het westen gesteunde genocice, blijft het westen met de VS voorop naar Iran wijzen, zonder ook maar een flinter aan bewijs te leveren...... Dit terwijl de VS en Groot-Brittannië deze genocide ook militair steunen.......
  
Naast het feit dat de VS en GB deelnemers zijn van die Saoedische terreurcoalitie, steunen de andere westerse landen met Frankrijk voorop deze terreurcoalitie met wapens in de breedste zin van het woord, dus inclusief rollend, varen en vliegend oorlogstuig, verder worden wapenonderdelen geleverd door o.a. Nederland, ook al is het internationaal verboden om landen als het reli-fascistische Saoedi-Arabië met wapens te steunen, juist door haar illegale oorlog die het tegen de sjiitische bevolking van Jemen voert...... (nogmaals: een oorlog die als genocide wordt uitgevoerd, het kan niet vaak ngenoeg gezegd worden)

Maar zoals gezegd: als je de westerse reguliere media moet geloven is daar vooral Iran de schuldige, terwijl men dit land alleen met bewijzen 'kan aanklagen', die aangeven dat die hulp van humanitaire aard was........ 

Onbegrijpelijk dat de reguliere westerse (massa-) media niet uitvoerig berichten over de gehieme illegale oorlog tegen Iran, immers als de vlam echt in de pan slaat staan die media ongelofelijk voor paal (al zal men dan ongetwijfeld spreken over de 'plotselinge Iraanse agressie', uiteraard zonder de eerdere geheime oorlog en sancties tegen het Iraanse volk te noemen.....). 

Lees het volgend artikel van R. Pillar, eerder gepubliceerd op ResponsibleStatecraft en door mij overgenomen van Information ClearingHouse en geeft het door, de hoogste tijd dat de westerse wereld ontwaakt uit de coma waarin het is gebracht door leugens en ronduit propaganda gebracht door het overgrote deel van de westerse politici en de westerse massamedia (je kan onder het artikel klikken voor een 'Dutch vertaling', dit neemt wel enige tientallen seconden tijd in beslag):

The undeclared war against Iran

By Paul R. Pillar

President Donald J. Trump and Vice President Mike Pence participate in an expanded bilateral meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu Monday, Jan. 27, 2020, in the Oval Office of the White House. (Official White House Photo by D. Myles Cullen) (tekst van Responsible Statecraft en foto overgenomen van Global Research)

July 20, 2020 "Information Clearing House" - A series of violent attacks, involving explosions and fires, has been hitting Iran. The incidents have been too frequent and intense to be random accidents. They are part of an organized effort.

Caution is always advisable in attributing responsibility for such unclaimed acts, especially for all of us outside the government channels that possibly have better information about what is going on. But circumstances point strongly, as some mainstream press reporting reflects, to either or both of two suspects: the Netanyahu government in Israel, and the Trump administration in the United States.

Both of those suspects have track records that point that same way. The most conspicuous relevant act by the Trump administration was its assassination in January, with a drone-fired missile at the Baghdad airport, of Qassem Soleimani, one of the most prominent political and military figures in Iran. The Israeli record of aggressive acts against Iran has included a series of assassinations of Iranian nuclear scientists.  Those murders were part of a larger, longstanding Israeli campaign of assassinations throughout the Middle East. That campaign is in turn part of an even larger Israeli record of acts throughout the region — including, over the past couple of years, scores of aerial attacks in Syria.

Neither the Israeli government nor the Trump administration has formally declared war against Iran, but the rhetoric of each has stopped only slightly short of such a declaration. 
The Trump administration has made clear its intention to inflict as much pain as possible on Iran, including but not limited to economic sanctions. The Netanyahu government’s voluminous rhetoric on Iran has been every bit as hostile as what has come out of Washington, or as what has come in the opposite direction from Tehran.

Make no mistake about what is going on. This is not a set of actions “short of war,” as some would put it. It is war. We certainly should worry about escalation of the conflict into something so big that everyone would call it war. But that does not make what already has transpired anything less than acts of war.

In this regard, do not be deceived by the Iranian regime’s downplaying of the recent attacks and its restraint — so far — regarding retaliation. A date circled on Iranian policymakers’ calendars is January 20, 2021. The Iranians can read American polls, and the dominant thread at the moment in Iranian thinking about security policy is to tough it out until there is regime change in Washington. Iranian leaders don’t want to be suckered into the sort of October — or July — surprise that would generate a rally-round-the-flag effect in America and could rescue Donald Trump’s fading re-election chances, although they realize the restraint does risk making them appear weak.

No justification for the war

Although the current war has not been formally declared, it ought to be assessed by the same standards as one that has. Per international law and the United Nations Charter, war would be justified only in self-defense, as a response to, or possibly pre-emption of, an attack in the other direction.  That is not the current circumstance with Iran.  There is no sign that Iran is about to attack either Israel or the United States. Given that Iran would be hopelessly outclassed militarily against either of those foes, it would be foolish for Iranian leaders to contemplate such an attack.

Nor does self-defense come into play when considering proxies or other asymmetric means through which Iran might want to impose its will. A salient aspect of the large amount of ordnance that Israel has been flying across the border and dropping on targets in Syria — many of those targets reportedly connected to Syria’s ally Iran — is how there has been almost no ordnance crossing the border in the other direction, other than an odd air defense missile or two.

The weakness of any U.S. case based on self-defense was underscored by the confused official justifications for the killing of Soleimani. Hints dropped publicly about pre-empting a supposedly imminent Iranian attack never led to any evidence to that effect.  In the end, the U.S. administration’s rationale rested mainly on Soleimani’s past role in supporting Iraqi militia operations that incurred American casualties during fighting in Iraq. That fighting was a direct result of an offensive war — an act of aggression — that the United States launched in 2003.

Iran’s nuclear program has been a focus of attention in recent years, and one of the most publicized of the recent attacks on Iran was at the nuclear facility at Natanz. But the multilateral agreement known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) , which placed severe restrictions on the Iranian program, did a far better job of keeping a possible Iranian nuclear weapon out of reach than anything the Trump administration has done since reneging on the agreement two years ago, after which Iran accelerated its nuclear activity. 
As Mark Fitzpatrick of the International Institute of Strategic Studies (IISS) observes, the JCPOA did a better job in that regard than attacks such as the one on Natanz.

The attacks also do nothing to deter aggressive or otherwise undesirable Iranian actions.  Deterrence requires conditionality: pain is inflicted after bad behavior and avoided after good behavior. But the U.S. and Israeli governments seem determined to inflict pain no matter what Iran does — as underscored by the Trump administration’s reneging on the JCPOA and launching its “maximum pressure” campaign even though Iran was fully complying with its obligations under the agreement. Iran is being given an incentive only to retaliate, not to behave well.

Eventual retaliation, despite Tehran’s relative restraint so far, is one of the risks of the current undeclared war. Escalation into something bigger and more destructive is another risk. Even without such escalation, the current campaign extends indefinitely one of the fronts in America’s “forever war” in the Middle East.

Nor is any good coming out of the attacks in terms of weakening Iran or shifting a regional balance of power in America’s favor. Instead, it strengthens Iran’s reasons to find support from — and in so doing foster the influence of — the likes of Russia and China.

Israeli objectives

To the extent the Trump administration is condoning, turning a blind eye toward, or even colluding with Israeli attacks on Iran, this is bad news for U.S. interests. U.S. interests are different from those of Israel, and even more different from those of the current Netanyahu-led government.

That government has an interest in perpetuating high tension with Iran to keep Iran as a bête noire blamable for all the ills of the Middle East, to preclude any rapprochement between Washington and Tehran, to promote Israeli relations with the Gulf Arab states, and to distract attention from issues that bring international scrutiny and criticism on Israel. At the moment, Netanyahu’s incentives in this regard are stronger than ever, which may help to explain the timing of the recent wave of attacks. The distraction value of stoking the conflict with Iran has increased as Netanyahu contemplates formal annexation of parts of the West Bank and the international condemnation that will come with it.

Netanyahu also, like the Iranians, is aware of the U.S. electoral calendar and American opinion polls. He may see the next few months as an optimal and limited time for stirring the regional pot even more than Israel has in the past, while his friend Donald Trump is still in power. To the extent the stirring helps his friend’s re-election chances, so much the better from his point of view.

Netanyahu is unlikely to be worrying about escalation into a bigger war, which would serve his purposes even more dramatically. Goading Iran into retaliating in a way that would spark such a war may have been one of the objectives of the recent attacks. And it would not be Netanyahu’s job to count any ensuing American casualties.

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